This study examined the associations between life stressors, sleep disturbances, and lifetime alcohol abuse, as well as lifetime cigarette and marijuana use, among Black adults with criminal justice contact. Using a Social Determinants of Health (SDOH) framework, our analysis revealed that lifetime alcohol abuse, as well as lifetime cigarette and marijuana use, was uniquely associated with various psychosocial stressors among Black adult males and females with criminal justice contact. Family stressors emerged as the most consistent predictors of lifetime substance use among Black male adults with criminal justice contact. On the other hand, financial stressors, work stressors, and neighborhood stressors were the predictors of lifetime substance use for Black female adults with criminal justice contact. Although the relationships between stressors and substance use show up differently according to sex, these findings align with previous research showing that social stressors, such as strained family relationships, financial insecurity, work stress, and neighborhood instability, increase vulnerability to substance use as a maladaptive coping strategy [5,15]. For Black adults with criminal justice contact, these stressors reflect cumulative disadvantage, as many face job loss, housing instability, and weakened social support networks after incarceration [10]. Within an SDOH lens, substance use can be viewed as a response to chronic exposure to socioeconomic deprivation and interpersonal instability, conditions that are socially patterned and disproportionately experienced by Black communities. These findings underscore the influence of social and structural conditions, such as economic hardship, family instability, and poor sleep quality, on substance use behaviors among populations disproportionately affected by systemic inequities [25,26].

The strong association between sleep problems and substance use, particularly lifetime alcohol abuse for both black adult males and females with criminal justice and lifetime marijuana use for Black male adults with criminal justice contact, underscores the relevance of applying the SDOH framework. Sleep is not merely an individual health behavior; it is deeply influenced by broader structural conditions, such as environmental stress, neighborhood safety, housing quality, and employment stability, all of which are shaped by racialized social and economic stratification [13,27]. In our sample, financial, neighborhood, and work stressors were significantly associated with substance use among Black females with criminal justice contact, but not among their male counterparts. Additionally, Black females with criminal justice contact who reported annual incomes below USD 30,000 were more likely to report lifetime alcohol abuse and lifetime cigarette use. This points to an intersectional burden rooted in both race- and sex-based disparities [28]. Black women with criminal justice contact face unique and compounded vulnerabilities that often differ from those of their male counterparts [28,29]. These findings are consistent with national data from the time of the study which indicated that Black women earned less than men overall and that single women faced higher poverty rates than married-couple families [30,31]. Importantly, data collection occurred during a period of significant economic strain—the early 2000s’ recession—when unemployment rose steadily and job recovery was slow [32,33]. This economic downturn likely exacerbated financial stress, neighborhood disadvantage, and reduced employment opportunities for Black females, particularly those with a history of criminal justice involvement. Such structural and economic constraints may contribute not only to disrupted sleep but also to increased substance use as a coping mechanism in the face of limited social and material resources.

On the other hand, in this sample of Black males with criminal justice contact, family stressors were significantly associated across all three substance use variables. Also, Black males with criminal justice contact who reported annual incomes below USD 30,000 were more likely to report lifetime cigarette use. These patterns may be explained by the influence of social and economic conditions, such as limited employment opportunities and family disruption resulting from criminal justice involvement, which shape health behaviors and substance use risk [13,34]. For instance, Archibald and Thorpe [2] described how the Environmental Affordances Model suggested that substance use may serve as a coping mechanism for chronic stress in the context of limited access to health-promoting resources [35]. For Black men with criminal justice contact, substance use may reflect adaptive responses to structural constraints, including racial discrimination, social exclusion, and economic deprivation. As previously discussed, these behaviors are not merely individual choices but are shaped by environments that more readily encourage unhealthy coping strategies over healthier alternatives. These findings point to the synergistic nature of stress, sleep disturbance, and substance us, where multiple co-occurring conditions interact and are exacerbated by adverse social conditions [26]. This reinforces the shift away from interpreting results through an individual-level pathology lens and highlights the need to address the socio-structural drivers of substance use among criminal justice-involved populations.

Given the multitude of stressors faced by Black adults in this study, it is likely that substances such as cigarettes, alcohol, and marijuana are used as accessible, though maladaptive, coping mechanisms. Such usage may stem from the cultural mistrust [36] and stigma and inequities associated with seeking medical support, compounded by their criminal justice history and racial identity [37]. The cumulative effects of these discriminatory practices can lead to a heightened vulnerability to substance use [38]. Furthermore, the criminal justice system contributes to racial disparities, with Black individuals disproportionately represented in arrests, convictions, and incarcerations [39]. This overrepresentation exacerbates existing stressors and further limits access to support and resources, thus possibly increasing the risk for substance use.

This study adds to the growing body of literature highlighting the importance of social and structural determinants of substance use among Black populations with criminal justice involvement. The consistent associations between stressors and substance use suggest that addressing upstream factors, such as financial insecurity, family strain, and housing instability, may help prevent or reduce substance use in this high-risk group. Furthermore, sleep health interventions, particularly for Black women in justice-involved contexts, may serve as an effective point of intervention in reducing substance use risk.

A methodological strength of our study is the use of modified Poisson regression to estimate prevalence ratios. This provides a more accurate understanding of high-prevalence outcomes than logistic regression [23]. The use of the NSAL also allows for the examination of culturally relevant stressors within a large, nationally representative sample of Black Americans, a population often underrepresented or homogenized in substance use research.

Despite its strengths, this study is not without limitations. Firstly, the cross-sectional nature of the NSAL data precludes causal inferences, and the reliance on self-report measures may introduce recall or social-desirability biases, and participants may underreport or inaccurately recall their substance use or stress experiences. Additionally, while the NSAL remains one of the most comprehensive datasets for studying Black Americans, the data were collected over two decades ago. Given the substantial social, economic, and policy shifts that have occurred since the data were gathered, some findings may not fully capture current dynamics. However, the study offers important historical context regarding the persistent challenges faced by Black Americans with criminal justice contact. Also, the structural inequities and psychosocial burdens faced by Black individuals with criminal justice contact remain salient today [10,11], suggesting that our findings continue to hold relevance.

The generalizability of the findings is also limited by the study’s focus on a specific subsample, Black adults with criminal justice involvement, which may not reflect the broader experiences of Black populations or those from other racial and ethnic groups. However, to address these limitations, future research should consider longitudinal designs to better capture the relationships between stress, sleep, and substance use over time. Expanding study samples to include more diverse populations may also enhance generalizability and help explore how these associations vary across demographic, social contexts, and time. Moreover, integrating qualitative approaches can shed light on the lived experiences underlying these statistical associations, including culturally specific stressors, coping mechanisms, and social supports.