North American Indigenous (i.e., American Indian and Alaska Native [AIAN], Canadian First Nations) families and communities have endured centuries of forced family separations due to colonization policies designed to dismantle Indigenous kinship systems. The significant and ongoing consequences of these unresolved historical traumas are evident in the overrepresentation of Indigenous youth in the child welfare system (Caldwell & Sinha, 2020; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2023). Policies such as the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) in the United States (U.S.) and Bill C-92 in Canada aim to minimize the removal of Indigenous children and uphold Tribal and First Nations sovereignty. However, Indigenous children continue to be displaced from their families at disproportionately high rates (Hahmann et al., 2024; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2023), perpetuating the legacy of historical trauma by disconnecting children from communities and culture (Indian Health Service [IHS], 2019; Kirmayer et al., 2014).

Historical trauma (HT), which encompasses the cumulative effects of colonization trauma, marginalization, and oppression across generations, has been associated with increased feelings of isolation, breakdowns in community and kinship ties, higher rates of mental health burdens, and substance use (Evans-Campbell, 2008; Hatala et al., 2019; Smallwood et al., 2021). One of the most damaging colonial policies was the forced removal of Indigenous children through boarding schools in the U.S. and residential schools in Canada, existing from the late 19th to mid-20th centuries with the mission to “Kill the Indian, Save the Man” (Lomawaima & Ostler, 2018). Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their homes, forbidden to speak their traditional languages (Adams, 1995) or practice their cultural teachings (Duran & Duran, 1995), and subjected to settler-colonial values and Christian religiosity (Glenn, 2015). Canada has formally acknowledged these schools as enactors of cultural genocide (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015). Although the U.S. has not made a similar acknowledgement, Interior Secretary Deb Haaland launched the Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative to address the intergenerational impact of boarding schools. In 2024, President Biden also formally apologized for the U.S. government’s role in the system (Haaland, 2025).

While boarding and residential schools began closing in the 1960s through the 1980s, policies in both the U.S. and Canada continued to promote the removal and adoption of Indigenous children by white families (McKenzie et al., 2016; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996; Thibeault & Spencer, 2019). These policies justified forced removals by framing Indigenous families as neglectful due to poverty and lack of understanding of traditional kinship structures (Jacobs, 2013). Historically, many Indigenous children were raised collectively by parents, grandparents, extended family, and community members, in contrast to Western ideals of family rooted in nuclear structures (Gray et al., 2008). By 1978, as many as 35 % of Indigenous children in the U.S. were placed in substitute care, with 85 % placed in non-Native homes (Snowshoe et al., 2017). This period is commonly referred to as the “Sixties Scoop” in Canada, during which similar rates of child removals occurred without the consent or knowledge of Indigenous families (Johnston, 1983, p. 23).

Indigenous resistance to these practices brought significant reforms, including the passage of ICWA in 1978 in the U.S., which upheld Tribal sovereignty over their children and recognized the importance of keeping them within their community. ICWA mandates that states notify Tribes when an AIAN child is removed from their home due to safety concerns, allowing them to intervene and transfer oversight to Tribal governance. It also requires prioritizing placements with extended family or AIAN foster homes (ICWA, P.L. 95–608). Over decades of implementation, the elements of ICWA have remained consistent, but the interpretation has changed over time. The United States Supreme Court has heard multiple ICWA cases, the most recent being Haaland v. Brackeen (2023). The Court has not overturned ICWA in any of these cases, but previous cases (Adoptive Couple v. Baby Girl, 2013) have led to new binding federal guidelines. This includes holding agencies accountable to determine whether ICWA applies to any child and notifying appropriate parties, such as the Tribe (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 2016). Despite these victories, ICWA has faced challenges related to accessibility, inadequate training, poor compliance, and insufficient funding for both federal oversight and implementation resources for Tribes (Haight et al., 2018; ICWA Compliance Task Force, 2017; Wahl, 2010).

In Canada, recent federal legislation, Bill C-92 (2019), opens the possibility for the recognition of Indigenous self-determination in child welfare. The bill aims to address the historical injustices regarding forced removals and lead to shifts in policy and practice in Indigenous child welfare. Although both ICWA and Bill C-92 share a similar purpose of preserving Indigenous families, there are distinct differences. While ICWA gives jurisdiction to tribal courts to oversee child welfare proceedings, Canada lacks a Tribal court system. Additionally, there is no federalized child protection system in Canada; instead, data is decentralized across provinces, leading to fragmented knowledge (Sinha et al., 2021). Drawing from decades of ICWA implementation, Hahn, Caldwell and Sinha (2020) highlight lessons that could support a more effective implementation of Bill C-92, such as the need for strong notification mechanisms, formal recognition of Indigenous jurisdiction, compliance monitoring, and intergovernmental coordination. Like ICWA, Bill C-92 encountered legal challenges shortly after its passage, ultimately leading to its affirmation by the Supreme Court of Canada in 2024.

Despite these legal efforts, Indigenous children continue to experience disproportionate involvement in the child welfare system. In the U.S., they represent 2 % of the foster care population despite comprising only 1 % of the total child population (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2023) and have the highest rates of out-of-home care among all racial and ethnic groups (Newman & Fort, 2017). In Canada, this disparity is even more pronounced, with Indigenous children accounting for over half of the foster care population in 2021, despite representing just 7.7 % of the child population aged 0 to15 (Hahmann et al., 2024; Statistics Canada, 2022). This overrepresentation has continued to increase, even following the passage of Bill C-92 in 2019. For example, Indigenous children comprised 47.8 % of the foster care population in 2011 and 53.8 % by 2021 (Statistics Canada, 2022). Indigenous children are also more likely to remain in the child welfare system longer and experience a greater number of placements compared to non-Indigenous children (Harris, 2021; Sinha et al., 2021).

These persistent disparities are part of a larger pattern of systemic removal of Indigenous children that has disrupted traditional kinship systems by weakening intergenerational ties and limiting exposure to Indigenous parenting role models (Bussey & Lucero, 2013). Although kinship care is seen as a protective factor and should be prioritized, studies examining placement outcomes for Indigenous children have produced mixed results that vary by state and province (Barth et al., 2002; Fallon et al., 2021; Carter, 2009; Francis, Hall, et al., 2023). As Evans-Campbell (2008) notes, governments have not historically considered Indigenous families as an appropriate place to raise children, a belief that can become internalized by parents and children. As such, high rates of child welfare involvement are hypothesized to have intergenerational consequences in the form of decreased family cohesion and satisfaction in adulthood.

The linkages between HT and poorer health among Indigenous populations are theoretically and empirically supported by models such as the Indigenist stress-coping model (Walters & Simoni, 2002). This model posits that many health problems experienced by Indigenous people are directly connected to colonization and its associated forms of discrimination, while also advocating for empowerment and sovereignty. Grounded in historical trauma, this model aligns with life course frameworks, particularly in its conceptualization of culturally relevant stressors. In this study, child welfare placement is examined as one such stressor. While the effects of historical family separations, such as boarding schools, are well-documented among Indigenous populations–including enduring impacts on mental health, substance use, and subsequent generations (Bombay et al., 2011; Elias et al., 2012; Walls & Whitbeck, 2012)–the consequences of contemporary family separation remain less clear. Existing research on Indigenous individuals has primarily focused on their interactions with the child welfare system or the implementation of policies like ICWA (Francis et al., 2023; Haight et al., 2018). Several studies focus on health and wellbeing while in foster care (Landers et al., 2021), whereas research on adult outcomes has largely focused on reunification (Landers et al., 2017; Landers et al., 2021). Regardless of context, family separation can lead to profound psychological distress, impaired social and emotional development, and increased vulnerability to stress-related disorders (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2016) (Canadian council on Social Development). These harms may be compounded for Indigenous individuals given the broader context of colonization and its enduring impacts. Thus, family separation during childhood and adolescence can be conceptualized as a major form of trauma that reverberates across the life course. Consequently, involvement in the child welfare system is hypothesized to decrease psychosocial well-being and increase depressive symptoms and substance use in early adulthood.

Given the persistent inequities in child welfare placements and the limited understanding of their long-term impacts on family dynamics and mental well-being, there is an urgent need for research examining the effects of contemporary separations among Indigenous children. This study aims to quantify the prevalence of child welfare involvement during childhood and adolescence among a large longitudinal sample of Indigenous youth in the U.S. and Canada. Additionally, it investigates the associations between experience with the child welfare system and measures of psychosocial well-being and family outcomes in early adulthood. We hypothesize that youth who have been placed in the child welfare system will have lower family satisfaction and cohesion in their current family environment and decreased psychosocial well-being compared to youth who have never been removed from their homes.